Transcription:                              Saturday, March 12th 1938.              Another land mark in European history: Austria disappeared as an independent State. After the ultimatum and demands made at Berchtesgaden, Schuschnigg on his return to Vienna tried to hold what was left: "Thus far and no farther" he declared. But he had had to accept a nazi Minister in charge of the police and of the Interior. A few days ago he announced that a plebiscit would be held to-morrow on the question whether the people wanted Austria to remain a catholic indepen- dent State. Germany was wildly indignant and alarmed, because it was clear that Schus- chnigg would have had a very large and in- pressive majority. So yesterday, Austria received an ultimatum that at 7 o'clock Schuschnigg must be kicked out and a nazi Chancellor put in his place. German troops were massed on the frontier; von Schuschnigg and the helpless President of the Confede- ration accepted the ultimatum, announced the abandonment of the plebiscit and announced on the radio that they were yielding to force and to avoid bloodshed ordered the Army not to oppose the German troops. Seyss- Inquart became the Chancellor and the German troops marched in. English and French pro- tests at Berlin were of course without the slightest success and the French appeal at Rome as to whether they were willing to take some action apparently led to the ans- wer that Austria was a closed question. Von Schuschnigg's desperate appeal to Italy before he surrendered, was without response. Thus the League lost another State Member.           There are of course the gma vest anxiety and runours of protective measures being taken in Czechoslovakia and even Yugoslavia which now gets a large and somewhat incom- fortable neighbour. And the Germans are on the Brenner.

Transcription: March 10th 1938.           Frank Walters has had a talk with Lord Halifax, the new Foreign Secretary, in London, on the question of the British attitude towards the League. Halifax said that Chamberlain's speech of the 22nd of February had been greatly misinterpreted but that that misinterpretation was general; he added that a paragraph would appear in the speech to be made on the 7th of March in the House of Commons, which would restate the position more clearly. Walters pointed out that since 36 when the sanctions policy was declared to have failed, the British were supposed to be endeavouring to maintain and rebuild the League taking into account the change which might be necessary in connection with the theory and practice of sanctions; they argued that British armament was a contribution to collective security and since that time the League position had been somewhat improved. Walters said to Halifax that the Prime Minister's speech had upset all that patient work and it would be difficult to convince Members of the League that its maintainance was still a cardinal point of British policy, if in the British conversations with Italy the attitude of Italy towards the League was left out of consideration, that would be regarded as confirming the view that London was indifferent to the fate of the League or looked at it, if not with indifference, at any rate with nothing more than inactive benevolence and now they were proposing to ask the Council at the next session - if agreement with Italy has been reached - flatly to approve of British recognition of Abyssinia. Several members of the League    right hand side   had recognised Abyssinia without insisting that the League should give its blessing. The feeling would be, said Walters, that they were now being asked to approve an action taken at this moment because it was of British interest to take it and that was  merely the convenience of His Majesty's Government in connection with its own  internal position. That would be extremely difficult; in the meantime, Italy would be encouraged to intensify her attacks on the League.               Walters spoke very well and very frankly and Halifax said he would give the difficulties a great deal of thought.

Transcription: March 1st 1938            I spent 3/4 of an hour yesterday morning with President Hoover who preceded Roosevelt at the Head of the United States. He is on a semi-private tour in Europe. He is rather a charming man of about 65, widely travelled and  has had an interesting career beginning work on a farm as a boy and having spent many years in China, England, Russia and Europe generally; during the war he organized relief work in Belgium and later in Russia. This shrewd white-haired, square- faced Old American told me that he was of mixed Swiss, Swedish, English and Irish  descent. After we had talked for a time, he said that he found more explosive material laying about in Europe than there was in 1914, but the great difference was  that now every one could at any rate imagine the consequences of war and that was a safeguard.                I sat beside him also in Consul Bucknell's house and found he was an enthusiastic fisherman. The conversation became rather interesting at the table  with Avenol, Stoppani, Aghnides and Governor Winant (of the Labour Office). He said that American opinion was now as it had been, very keen on economic collaboration and willing to participate in allsorts of humanitarian work, but that on the political side he believed the isolation feeling was growning; the people inclined to shrink within their frontiers. This confirms the view of some other shrewd observers. He believed that the right approach of world problems at the moment was through stabilisation of currencies

Transcription: and when he found Avenol and Stoppani in complete agreement, mentioned he had proposed in 1933 that the war debts due  to America from most of the European  countries should be allocated to a special fund to be held in their own currencies for the purpose of stabilishment and that the United States should contribute a gold "pot" of about 500 million dollars. The control of this currency-deposit and the backing of the gold together with a  promise not to inflate, would bring most countries great relief and would also check the disturbing manipulations of international commerce by the German method. Stoppani believed that Italy would be  glad to join in such arrangement, which would greatly strengthen it. Hoover has spent the afternoon with Paderewski, near Lausanne and remarked to me that he believed Poland would be  driven by the presence of two hostile dictatorships on her frontiers to develop a system based on a political philosophy of liberalism. His visit and this remark were probably associated and I am somewhat doubtful: the threat on the two frontiers is just as likely eventually to  create another dictatorship.

Description: Ratne bojne dopisnice (Feldpost) bile su najfunkcionalnije sredstvo komuniciranja vojnika sa porodicom tokom Prvog svjetskog rata. Većinom su bile cenzurisane i na njima se nalazio pečat vojne cenzure, regimentalni pečat i pečat vojne pošte. Na velikom broju dopisnica nalazila su se sva tri pečata, međutim, nerijetko se nalazio samo jedan ili dva. Poznato je da su vojnici bili strogo kažnjavani ukoliko su svjesno pisali bilo šta što otkriva vojne tajne. Pisati su mogli samo vojnici. Sve što bi napisali davalo bi se vojnom cenzoru da to pregleda i tek kad on odobri moglo se poslati porodici. Čitajući pisma, može se uvidjeti da su ona poprilično štura, te da su dobro pazili o svemu šta je napisano, upravo iz razloga da bi izbjegli probleme sa nadređenim. Feldpost sistem Austro-ugarske Monarhije, omogućavao je vojnicima da komuniciraju sa svojim najbližima. Sačuvane razglednice i pisma pružaju lični pogled na to kako su pojedini vojnici doživljavali sukobe. || Devet bojnih dopisnica (Feldpost)

Description: Este un volum de jurnal din cele trei deţinute de Biblioteca Judeţeană Octavian Goga Cluj. || Dumitru Nistor, ţăran din satul Năsăud s-a născut în 1893. Visând din copilărie să călătorească şi să vadă ţări străine, în 1912, când vine vremea “număraşului” (recrutării) el cere să fie primit nu în miliţia ardeleană, unde erau recrutaţi de obicei românii, ci în marina austro-ungară. Terminând şcoala de marină, după o călătorie la Viena, este îmbarcat ca Geschützvormeister (“primul îndreptător de tun”) pe vasul SMS Kaiserin Elisabeth, cu destinaţia Asia. Prins de război în Marea Chinei, crucişătorul Kaiserin Elisabeth participă la câteva bătălii navale, pentru ca în 2 noiembrie 1914 să se hotărască scufundarea lui. Echipajul pierde şi lupta terestră, este luat prizonier de japonezi şi transportat în arhipelagul nipon. Timp de zece luni, ţăranul-marinar din Năsăud va fi prizonier într-o mănăstirea buddhistă din Himeji, iar apoi mutat într-un lagăr, construit special pentru prizonierii germani şi austrieci, la Aonogahara, nu departe de Kobe, unde va rămâne până la sfârşitul anului 1919.

Description: Potrošačka kartica sadrži podatke o osobama koje su se prijavljivale radi raspodjele živežnih namirnica u Zagrebu tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Sadrži podatke o podnosiocu prijave (ime i prezime, adresa) te osobama koje se nalaze u kućanstvu, njihova imena, godine rođenja, odnos prema podnosiocu prijave, zanimanje i mjesto rada.

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