Transcription: P1/10 (14) -2- from Admiral Mahan. If Britain and America win the war,  a similar necessity or temptation does not exist. I am convinced that this danger would be a real one. It would be all the more probable if one had to envisage the possibility of an intercontinental war following more or less quickly the conclusion of the present war. I am not, as you will notice, in anyway discussing our present national policy of neutrality. I feel it would not be right for me to do so. The question which keeps coming to my mind and which I have presented to you is not a question dependent upon whether we have been as neutral as our colourless press and the peaceful pronouncements of the Government indicate or whether popular sentiment has even tended to be influenced by our bitter experiences with the British in the past. It is not an idea of which I would speak freely with any but one of ourselves and you will understand that I have to write to you entirely personally and confidentially. I felt it my duty and my right at two critical moments in the last two years to offer my services to the Government for any purpose which would be useful. Circumstances have now placed upon me other unexpected responsibilities and duties, but in carrying them out I am, believe me, not only moved by a personal desire not to desert an unpleasant post, but also because to follow one's inclinations on the easier road would not be worthy of my country. Will you please excuse a stranger writing to you and accept my very best wishes, Yours sincerely,

Transcription: P1/10 (14) -2- from Admiral Mahan. If Britain and America win the war,  a similar necessity or temptation does not exist. I am convinced that this danger would be a real one. It would be all the more probable if one had to envisage the possibility of an intercontinental war following more or less quickly the conclusion of the present war. I am not, as you will notice, in anyway discussing our present national policy of neutrality. I feel it would not be right for me to do so. The question which keeps coming to my mind and which I have presented to you is not a question dependent upon whether we have been as neutral as our colourless press and the peaceful pronouncements of the Government indicate or whether popular sentiment has even tended to be influenced by our bitter experiences with the British in the past. It is not an idea of which I would speak freely with any but one of ourselves and you will understand that I have to write to you entirely personally and confidentially. I felt it my duty and my right at two critical moments in the last two years to offer my services to the Government for any purpose which would be useful. Circumstances have now placed upon me other unexpected responsibilities and duties, but in carrying them out I am, believe me, not only moved by a personal desire not to desert an unpleasant post, but also because to follow one's inclinations on the easier road would not be worthy of my country. Will you please excuse a stranger writing to you and accept my very best wishes, Yours sincerely,  signed   Sean Lester

Transcription: P1/10 (14) "La Pelouse" Geneva, August 5th, 1941. Dear Mr. Dillon, I do not remember of having had the pleasure of meeting you as I have been more or less absent from Ireland for about twelve years, but I always read your major speeches with interest. I had by the way an opportunity once to meet your father. I was an ardent Sinn Feiner and a Member of the I.R.B. which did not predispose me to his political views, but I still retain very strongly the impression of a great gentleman of forceful personality and of a distinction which would have made him a worthy Statesman in any European country. I am following a sudden impulse to send you a personal note. For twelve years I have been an observer and a minor participant in European affairs and my anxieties for the future of Ireland have in recent years been very great. The war and the course it has followed have not reduced or minimised that fear. So far we have been amazingly fortunate due without the slightest doubt to nothing but our geographical position. I hesitate to have any strong opinion on the policy which has been pursued, although when called upon I have defended that policy in my personal relations with foreigners. I think that we may still have a fifty-per-cent chance of avoiding some of the horrors of invasion, but I have been uneasy and anxious as to whether even with the events of the past twelve months that possibility was sufficiently realized. If our people do not face all the consequences, take all the responsibilities of nationhood, then the dreams and work for independence of generation after generation will have proved to be a waste and a deception. I do know however how difficult it is for many of our people to see the World or Europe otherwise than as a vague and distant thing of which the only reality is our neighbour. That however is not realistic. The point in my mind, which no doubt has occurred to you, is not the question of the sufficiently imminent and great danger during the period of the war, but the possible consequences to us even on the assumption that we have not been directly involved. If I were German and if my country had won this war and if I wanted to assure myself that Great Britain would remain a third class Power held with a stranglehold, I would advocate the occupation or control of the thinly populated island laying on the Atlantic side of Britain, as Britain lies across the sea route of Europe. This is the lesson I learned from Sir Roger Casement, who no doubt had learned it Mr. James DILLON, T.D., Leinster House, DUBLIN

Transcription: P1/10 (14) "La Pelouse" Geneva, August 5th, 1941. Dear Mr. Dillon, I do not remember of having had the pleasure of meeting you as I have been more or less absent from Ireland for about twelve years, but I always read your major speeches with interest. I had by the way an opportunity once to meet your father. I was an ardent Sinn Feiner and a Member of the I.R.B. which did not predispose me to his political views, but I still retain very strongly the impression of a great gentleman of forceful personality and of a distinction which would have made him a worthy Statesman in any European country. I am following a sudden impulse to send you a personal note. For twelve years I have been an observer and a minor participant in European affairs and my anxieties for the future of Ireland have in recent years been very great. The war and the course it has followed have not reduced or minimised that fear. So far we have been amazingly fortunate due without the slightest doubt to nothing but our geographical position. I hesitate to have any strong opinion on the policy which has been pursued, although when called upon I have defended that policy in my personal relations with foreigners. I think that we may still have a fifty-per-cent chance of avoiding some of the horrors of invasion, but I have been uneasy and anxious as to whether even with the events of the past twelve months that possibility was sufficiently realized. If our people do not face all the consequences, take all the responsibilities of nationhood, then the dreams and work for independence of generation after generation will have proved to be a waste and a deception. I do know however how difficult it is for many of our people to see the World or Europe otherwise than as a vague and distant thing of which the only reality is our neighbour. That however is not realistic. The point in my mind, which no doubt has occurred to you, is not the question of the sufficiently imminent and great danger during the period of the war, but the possible consequences to us even on the assumption that we have not been directly involved. If I were German and if my country had won this war and if I wanted to assure myself that Great Britain would remain a third class Power held with a stranglehold, I would advocate the occupation or control of the thinly populated island laying on the Atlantic side of Britain, as Britain lies across the sea route of Europe. This is the lesson I learned from Sir Roger Casement, who no doubt had learned it Mr. James DILLON, T.D., Leinster House, DUBLIN

Description: Hierarchie: Großherzogliches Familienarchiv (Eigentum des Hauses Baden) und Markgräfliches/Großherzogliches Familienarchiv: Nachträge >> Einzelne Angehörige des Hauses Baden >> [13 A] Luise Großherzogin von Baden (1838-1923) >> Familie, Hof, Regierung >> Soziales, Wohltätigkeit >> Badischer Frauenverein >> Geschäftsberichte >> Berichtserien >> Dr. Sophie Sautier [Präsidentin von Abteilung V]

Description: Hierarchie: Großherzogliches Familienarchiv (Eigentum des Hauses Baden) und Markgräfliches/Großherzogliches Familienarchiv: Nachträge >> Einzelne Angehörige des Hauses Baden >> [13 A] Luise Großherzogin von Baden (1838-1923) >> Familie, Hof, Regierung >> Soziales, Wohltätigkeit >> Badischer Frauenverein >> Geschäftsberichte >> Berichtserien >> Dr. Sophie Sautier [Präsidentin von Abteilung V]

Description: Marriage certificate Autograph album || Family brought along just a marriage certificate and an album and drawings.

Description: Hierarchie: Großherzogliches Familienarchiv (Eigentum des Hauses Baden) und Markgräfliches/Großherzogliches Familienarchiv: Nachträge >> Einzelne Angehörige des Hauses Baden >> [13 A] Luise Großherzogin von Baden (1838-1923) >> Familie, Hof, Regierung >> Erziehung, Schulen >> Victoria-Schule und -Pensionat >> Berichtserien >> Emilie Göler von Ravensburg [?-?, Oberin des Viktoria-Pensionats Karlsruhe und der Filiale Baden-Baden 1917-1920/1923]

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