Transcription: Left page   November 1st 1941 Some little time ago I appear to have been able, through my friendship with President Santos of Colombia, in obtaining precious visas for an Austrian named Ernst Grünwald and his wife who are in a civilian camp in Switzerland; he is a man of 43 apparently tainted with some semitic blood and thereby a victim of the new civilization promised to Europe. He is a tall good-looking fellow and I should say of excellent character and qualifications in his trade as a textile expert. Now he comes back to me asking if I could not do the same thing for his father and mother and his father and mother-in- law living in wretchedness material and spiritual misery in Vienna. He says he gets the most imploring letters full of bitter tears from them and he has a most pathetic confidence that a word from me will obtain freedom for them. When I eventually consented to support his appeal to Colombia (necessarily in a completely personal way) the poor devil broke down with tears and sobs of gratitude and perhaps vain hopes, kissing my hand unexpectedly. Personal contact of this kind with some of the misery spread through Europe by nazi persecution, promise of that new civilization under the master race, inclines one to lose the balance of judgement and perspective on the problem of the future.  Right page   Vansittart "Black Record" recently came into my hands. It is a fierce pamphlet in which Germany is indited in the role of the butcher bird of Europe. It is so single-mindedly, so violently crusading against the majority of the German people of whom he regards nazism merely as the latest manifestation of a long history that it seems a strange product for the former diplomatic Chief in Great Britain. There were many things in it with which I agreed, but it seemed nearly too much. The future of Europe, alas, cannot be considered without taking a great deal of it into account. His view on the German "mädchenbund" and the quotation of one of their marching songs which begins "Christ was but a jewish swine, etc. etc." and his remarks on the feminine prussian ferocity (? feminine ferocity), reminded me of that charming little blonde who became Greiser's second wife when he had discarded the wife and family belonging to his earlier social station. He was a great chasseur and invited me to accompany him shooting buck in the Danzig forest. Boettcher, that timber-headed lout came also and our three wives. It was a pleasant excursion in the autumn woods and eventually a buck crossing a glade  Note   to be finished by hand please Melle  ... could not bring herself to type the rest - the living disembowelled animal the vomiting Böttcher, the jeering blonde

Transcription: Left page   There is no real parallel between the history and facts of the British Commonwealth of Nations and the proposed British-American Commonwealth. If the union between the British Commonwealth and the United States is, as I fear, impracticable, I wonder if we shall not see Anglo-American cooperation best served by the re-creation of a machine not unlike the League. Beyond doubt I have been conscious of the decay and failure of the League and of the public disrepute into which it fell in recent years, but I venture to believe that its revival with some important changes, but with many things unchanged, will be found to give us the best promise of fifty years' peace. It will depend largely on America, on a people who will not have really suffered in the war. One thing has long been clear to me however - that the international community needs the policeman behind the law and the court of justice, as much as he was and is needed in the national community. There was a statement in your book which I questioned. It is at the tope of page 172 where you say it is unlikely either Britain nor America would agree to participate in any League or Confederation with the States of Europe until the latter put their own house in order. What I said earlier in this note will show you that I think there would be less difficulty in persuading the British and American peoples to join a League than to make a still greater sacrifice of sovereignty as between themselves. For the other aspect of it, I think you must agree that the responsibility of reorganizing Europe cannot be left to the goodwill of about thirty states, nearly all of which have been overrun and conquered or will be. This war has surely been a very clear lesson that what happens in Europe is of absolutely vital concern even to non-continental states. The United States spent twenty years washing their hands of European affairs and the direct consequence is that they may now be said to be well on the way to full war. With modifications, the same is true of Great Britain; a British businessman could talk of Czechoslovakia as a far off country of which his people knew nothing. Looking to the future there is another angle which has been put to me - that of the non-German european states. A simple British-American Commonwealth, it is suggested, might cause eventually a gradual reaction of the densely populated continent to the London-Washington supremacy, a supremacy institutionally divers and geographically too excentric to be accepted by Europe, in the long run as a spontaneous offspring of its own labours and, so to speak, as an inevitable historic necessity. Such a reaction might be the prelude to inter-continental wars.  Right page   To sum up, I think in spite of their common fear and dislike of commitments in Europe, the British and American peoples would really be asked for more sacrifice and more comprehension and toleration and wisdom in creating a British-American Commonwealth than they would be asked necessary to make successful an organization like the League. The Commonwealth hurdles are higher and more frequent than those of an effective League. Such an organization would, I am beginning to be convinced, give more promise of stability and be more likely to achieve real results than the great dream of an Anglo-American Union. Anglo-American collaboration in a new Society of Nations, even with the direction and control and sacrifice which responsibility would involve, would contain less dangers of reaction and dissension than a direct London-Washington attempt to unify foreign policy, the common control of naval, military power, the pooling of economic resources and territorial government. It may interest you to see, perhaps more coherent than mine, a short note which I enclose by one of my colleagues after he had read your book. I have written freely and as a private individual. We are far from the end yet and I may well be proved to have been short-sighted on this general issue. In any case we here are trying, with many difficulties, to hold on. I long for the lakes and rivers of Connemara where I have a little house not far from your Lough Inagh and where my "deserted" wife and children are living. With best wishes, Yours sincerely,

Transcription: Left page   see that if high policy really wants a revived League. In any case I would be appalled to see the end of this war coming in sight and the future left to improvisation, haphazard and the emotions of the time. Am I underestimating the insignificance which the public would attach to such general questions if raised now; the persistence of the disillusion, disappointment and ridicule; or are the problems of the day so great and dark that no one can plan ahead? 9 - When I agreed with your view as to Hambro's proposal for a kind of new Bruce Committee, it was mainly because any such Committee would have to go so very far in the direction of political proposals that I felt that in Britain itself the situation was far from being sufficiently mature to enable a directive to be given to a British representative; that in some considerable degree the same would apply to other countries; and that American participation in such a Committee would be desirable but still difficult. If and when there was more development, which might come even in six months, I confess I would like to see it, if possible under the aegis of the League. 10 - Loveday tells me he keeps sufficiently in touch with useful visitors from London. I had asked him to consider the idea of sending some one like Hill as a liaison man for economic and finammoial questions. This was partly as an offset to what you called "transatlantic tendencies" which however are more in evidence in Montreal. If I had any available staff or money I should myself like to have some one in London for my more general needs. I had thought Hill might have done both as I think he is sufficiently "well seen" by the F.O., but for the time I have bowed to Loveday's view. Hill, of course, is rather young. I am not expecting any comments on this letter; I am merely taking the opportunity for a monologue. Sincerely, P.S. In case Loveday did not show them to you, I enclose copies of two recent letters to him and Sweetser. Of course these only give information in snippets.  Right page   Personal dated 25/9/41 Dear Lord Davies, With considerable delay your book and your letter of the 25th March duly arrived in Geneva. I should have acknowledged them long ago had it not been that I was hoping to write at greater length and with more reflection. Indeed on the first day when I read the last two chapters, I dictated a commentary but left it again for reflection and now I am not inclined to send it. There is much in your book and in its extraordinaril fine analysis with which I agree. Your reactions to events were similar to those which many of us here felt, but it is naturally when with such persistent courage you expound your plans for the future that one finds both inspiration and stimulus as well as some divergence of judgement or (is it?) weakness of faith. There is very much to attract one in the idea of a British-American Commonwealth, but I really am afraid that, even if British opinion could be counted upon in the post-war period to take the consequences of this merging of power and rights, the vast continental people governed from Washington are not yet, and will not be, far enough advanced to envisage that advanced union. I doubt, even on the assumption that the United States participates in the war, and even if the idea could be in the heat and emotion of wartime put over on the American people, whether the attempt would not rapidly end in a still wider divergence than another less ambitious measure of Anglo-American cooperation. The parallel with the Dominions is not good enough. I agree, of course, as every one must, that the future of the world for the next century will depend upon the extent to which Britain and America can cooperate. I am however being driven to the conclusion that our best hope lies in these two peoples working together within a framework which will give them, not only the joint power necessary to equal their joint responsibilities, but which will also give them elbow-room and elasticity in regard to the matters on which their interests will diverge or seem to be in conflict because of the different sentiment, experience, situatio and outlook of their populations. At best I would take your views as a goal to aim at and not as a post-war starting point After all the cardinal point of world security is that Britain and America should be prepared to assume joint responsibility followed, if need be, by joint action for the maintenance of peace. A looser association than union would be sufficient for this. I am afraid if we try to put too much into the bottle it will burst. Perhaps I am lacking in vision and in confidence.

Transcription: 264 (verso)   St Lazare - Je vais donner à la copie une assez longue introduction du 4me acte d'Ulysse que je refais sur le mouvement 2/4, avec  Partition musicale   tout l'orchestre --- Comme c'est le principal rhythme et le plus chaud du mouvement  mot raturé  de ce morceau, je pense qu'on peut l'annoncer pour ouvrir  l'acte avant le Solo du Coryphée - Trouvez vous ? -- J'ai mis en train l'orchestration de mon  Ô Salutaris pour mlle Dolby ; je lui donne des minutes quand je peux en attraper ; elles ne sont pas longues --- --- à demain donc, à midi ½, et mille amitiés de votre Charles Gounod  265 (verso)   Mardi matin -- Bonjour chère Pauline --- Je vous avais donné rendez vous à 8 h. ½, chère, et voici qu'il en est 10 -- à 9 h. moins ¼ Joseph est entré me réveiller, et mon petit arrangement d'intérieur et de toilette m'a conduit jusqu'à présent -- A 10 h. ½ nous allons déjeuner ici avec Mr et Mme Nullah et Mr Lockey, auquel je dois faire entendre le Sanctus. après quoi nous ferons des courses avec Chorley qui me fait craindre que nous ne pourrions pas être rentrés à la maison avant l'heure du  dîner -- Je vais donc tenir cette lettre prête à partir dans la journée si je ne puis rentrer y ajouter q. q. chose ----- Manuel vient dîner avec nous aujourd'hui --- Chorley me conduira tantôt chez Davison où je laisserai ma carte si je ne le trouve pas : s'il y est, je le verrai un instant --- Nous irons aussi chez Cofta qui est venu hier pendant que nous étions sortis --- puis chez un certain Gruneißen ...---- il paraît que c'est un journaliste que vous connaissez aussi ------- ---- Je n'ai pas de lettre de Paris ce matin .... et vous, vous en tenez une probablement en  ce moment, de nous deux Chorley --- peut-être le facteur de 2 h. apportera-t-il ici quelque chose que je trouverai en rentrant ----- Il me semble qu'il y ait déjà au moins un mois que je ne vous ai vue : la distance se ligue avec le tems pour produire cette impression : je me sens près d'un bien bon ami ----- mais je me sens loin de vous --- est ce qu'on m'a donné un peu de figue hier soir avant de me coucher ? ---- moi je sais bien que je vous ai donné un fameux bon soir et bonne nuit --- Il fait beau ce matin; fait-il beau chez nous ? Je me sentirais presque en état de chanter une Mignon ... mais chut ... silence ... Comme je vous aime ! mes bons amis ! ---- ---- Dites à ma voisine que Mme ? n'a pas encore envoyé prendre sa commission ---- et dites lui bien des choses de ma part ---- Je vais écrire 2 mots à ma mie pour qu'elle ait de mes nouvelles demain matin ---- adieu provisoirement, en cas que je ne rentre pas à tems pour vous le redire de nouveau ---- Embrassez Louis bien fort ---- votre Charles Chorley n'a pas un moment pour vous écrire. Il me charge de mille amitiés pour vous. Quel excellent etre !

Description: Hierarchie: Großherzogliches Familienarchiv (Eigentum des Hauses Baden) und Markgräfliches/Großherzogliches Familienarchiv: Nachträge >> Einzelne Angehörige des Hauses Baden >> [13 A] Luise Großherzogin von Baden (1838-1923) >> Familie, Hof, Regierung >> Soziales, Wohltätigkeit >> Badischer Frauenverein >> Geschäftsberichte >> Berichtserien >> Dr. Sophie Sautier [Präsidentin von Abteilung V]

Description: Hierarchie: Großherzogliches Familienarchiv (Eigentum des Hauses Baden) und Markgräfliches/Großherzogliches Familienarchiv: Nachträge >> Einzelne Angehörige des Hauses Baden >> 13 A Luise Großherzogin von Baden (1838-1923) >> Familie, Hof, Regierung >> Erziehung, Schulen >> Victoria-Schule und -Pensionat >> Berichtserien >> Emilie Göler von Ravensburg ?-?, Oberin des Viktoria-Pensionats Karlsruhe und der Filiale Baden-Baden 1917-1920/1923 || Enthält zwei Abbildungen verschneiter Bäume

Description: 2 file || Marca/semnătura: semnătură; Tehnica: manuscris; Culoarea: neagră || St. O. Iosif îi scrie surorii sale, Hortensia pentru a-i trimite vești de la Paris. În scrisoare face referire la Expoziția Universală deschisă la Paris în 1900.

Description: Hierarchie: Großherzogliches Familienarchiv (Eigentum des Hauses Baden) und Markgräfliches/Großherzogliches Familienarchiv: Nachträge >> Einzelne Angehörige des Hauses Baden >> [13 A] Luise Großherzogin von Baden (1838-1923) >> Familie, Hof, Regierung >> Soziales, Wohltätigkeit >> Badischer Frauenverein >> Geschäftsberichte >> Berichtserien >> Dr. Sophie Sautier [Präsidentin von Abteilung V]

Description:

Description:

Description:

Description: