Transcription: - 2 -  (5)   It appears that the cruiser incident had been regarded as serious and that discussions had taken place between Eden, Beck and Delbos, the new French Foreign Minister. Beck had agreed that he would undertake the mission of demanding an explanation from Berlin, as Poland had charge of Danzig's foreign affairs.   On Wednesday I had further discussions, including one with Beck, and the Council that evening at a special meeting decided to place my Report on the Agenda of the Special Session.   I should remark here that my caution in handling this opening phase had led me to report "for the information of the Council" and I had not asked that the matter should be discussed, leaving that responsibility to the Council. President Greiser was informed by the Secretariat that the matter would be on the Agenda, but it was also indicated to him that his presence was not regarded as essential, as it was a matter between the League and Germany. The press began to publish rumours of German concentration on the East Prussian frontier and of an expected coup.   On July 2nd I had further conversations, and that evening one with Lubienski, Beck's personal lieutenant. Everyone knew that Germany would at some time raise the Danzig problem. The question was whether a better settlement could be made now on broad lines, with some hope of stabilising affairs here for a longer period. I was convinced personally that the first move had been made. Developments might be slow but they were coming. I did not know how genuine and real was the Polish view that Danzig under the present regime was vital to the life of the Polish nation, but although it was outside my actual duties I could not refrain from suggesting that this opportunity should be taken by Poland to go more deeply into the question than the mere cruiser incident, and see if greater stability in this part of Europe could not be reached. Lubienski half hinted to me that this idea was not absent from Beck's mind. The German press attack continued and the "Diplomatische Korrespondenz", the mouthpiece of the Wilhelmstrasse, joined in with an article saying that I was personally psychologically unsuitable and moved by animosity and partiality. I refused to make any comment to the innumerable press people who approached me, on the grounds that the main charge was that I had carried out the duties entrusted to me by the League, and that the question was not at all a personal one.   Both Eden and Beck told me that their Ambassadors had been seen by Baron von Neurath who had assured them that the Danzig incident would not be developed and would pass quietly. Then came the news that Greiser was coming to Geneva. He had long conversations in Berlin and arrived on July 4th in Geneva. The Poles and the British were still more or less satisfied that a short formal discussion would finish the matter at the Council that evening. To both of them I expressed some anxiety as to what instructions Greiser had got in Berlin. Beck had a talk with Greiser before the meeting, but nobody expected the violent tirade which Greiser delivered at the Council table. A certain amount of personal abuse of myself was mingled with insulting remarks about the League. He certainly created a sensation both by the matter and the manner of his speech, as can be seen from the press cuttings. The Council

Transcription: 4 Private Diary July 1936 --------------   A stormy fortnight - the European crisis centred in Danzig and possibilities of all kinds in the offing.   I think Germany came to the conclusion about the end of May to reorient her policy. The League was in collapse and in disarray; English prestige had suffered through the Italian victory, which came more quickly than military experts had expected; and France with a Popular Front Government faced a lot of internal difficulties. Perhaps the first sign of its effects here was the organised attack on an Opposition meeting, followed by Forster's threats to take over the streets. The ground was not particularly good in any case, but Germany officially took a hand when a few days afterwards, the local crisis having been settled, the "Leipzig" Commander, under orders, omitted to call on the League Commissioner.   Even a week before this I had been told by von Radowitz that the day had not come when Germany wanted to raise the Danzig question. Some days after his return from Berlin, however, he said to Papée at one of the "Leipzig" receptions that he did not know anything about his Government's plans. This was in reply to an enquiry as to whether the "Leipzig" incident was to have any special significance. The propaganda Ministry in Berlin opened a fierce attack on me, beginning with a Forster article declaring that the High Commissioner interfered in internal affairs and that but for the League of Nations all the Opposition Parties here would long ago have disappeared The article demanded revision of the Statute in so far as the League guarantee of the Constitution was concerned. The Poles then began to be somewhat more concerned. Papée told me that he would suggest to his Government his abstention from at any rate the German Consul General's reception, as a mark of disapproval of the German Government's action, but this did not materialise. I was convinced that the cruiser incident had considerable significance. I would have in due course to report the matter to Geneva, but I did not write a word for three or four days and then drafted a report which I aimed to make a model of objectivity and restraint. I took the precaution, however, to summarise with equal objectivity recent events in Danzig, so that the Council might judge if and to what extent the incident had arisen from thos events. I gave Papée an outline of the Report on the night of the 29th June, when I went to ask him for permission to quote his Note relating to attacks on Poles the previous week. He seemed impressed with its moderation. The following day, and before I had the Report quite finished, an urgent telephone message from Geneva on behalf of Eden as President of the Council, summoned me to travel there by the quickest route. I left within two hours, arriving at 11 p.m. on July 1st. I was met by Walters, Stevenson and Krabbe, etc. and whisked off for a two hours discussion. They read my draft Report with approval. I also had a short talk the same night with Count Lubienski.

Transcription: -3-   Poland has been having some rioting as a result of economic difficulties, and anti-Semitic feeling is growing especially amongst the younger people. Poland in the past had no middle class; the Jews controlled commerce and finance to a great extent becaue Polish aristocrats were not interested. With the growth of the new Polish State young Poles find themselves faced by barriers and competition both in commerce and the professions. The uneasiness in Jewish circles which followed this partly accounted for the flight of capital lately, with the consequent restrictions which were published a fortnight ago. It may also be partly accounted for by the fact that Poland is proceeding to strengthen her armaments, on which she expends a very high percentage of her budget.    In a personal conversation with P. a short time ago I asked him if there was any anxiety in Warsaw as to the immediate future. They were always opposed to the Locarno Pact which left the East on the outside and while there were therefore not much distressed by events affecting the Locarno guarantee they were naturally concerned that further arrangements should not be so exclusive. As to whether there was any nervousness regarding the international Status of Danzig, it was remarked that France, in facing the coup in the West had made a great mistake. One battalion of troops placed just over the frontier would have left them in a very strong position to negotiate, at any rate, and would not, it was confidently felt, have led to any war. That was not a mistake which Poland would make in similar circumstances. As I am only concerned with the prevention of crises I said it would be of very much importance to know if Germany were aware of that, and the reply was "I have reason to belive so".   It would seem to confirm my first reaction following the Rhineland coup that that was the last that could be safely undertaken because it was within the political frontiers of the Reich.   Yesterday I had another long session with the Senate. An order has been consequently issued that no flag but the Danzig flag shall appear on public buildings. I regard this as of considerable psychological importance, apart from the restoration of the legal situation. The argument that the Swastika was no longer a Party flag since it had become officially the flag of the Reich was obviously untenable. Some concessions also have been made with regard to the question of education.   The Council will cinsider the question of renewing my mandate and two newspapers in close connection with the Wilhelmstrasse have publicly ballons d'essai suggesting that in view of the improved situation in Danzig I might reconsider my decision not to accept a second term. P. has told me that the Polish Government would be delighted; so has V.R. and President Greiser has asked me if there is anything he could do to further my wishes in the matter! I shall not make up my  mind definitely about another short appointment until I am in Geneva.

Transcription: Danzig, May 6th 1936.   Not feeling inclined to write for a week or so I find that it easily becomes a habit. The international world has been developing crises, in the same way as has marked the last year or two, from month to month. Addis Abeba occupied by the Italians and the Emperor in flight out of the country and a most infernal puzzle for the League. French elections over with results showing successes on the Left, which probably means an increased support for the League and a greater tendency towards English cooperation, but which probably comes too late to have any effect on the Italian aggression. The League has so far completely failed to prevent the aggression being successful in the most flagrant case which it has yet dealt with. References by important public men have been made in France and these England, threatening to abandon the League - these are only threats but the new situation must be dealt with and it seems possible the next year may see a revision of the international guarantees concerned in the League idea. It seems difficult to foresee whether this means a weakening or a strengthening of the League. If it means a strengthening how can the Italian incident be buried? If it means a weakening that would seem only to speed up the policy of alliances with all the dangers involved. No new League can bring in the United States, unless it were so attenuated as to be useless in Europe except as a meeting-place for Foreign Ministers.   The lull of the Rhineland question has, as was expected, been very useful and it is only this week that the British Government is expected to put the questionnaire which was to be prepared at the last meeting of the Locarno Powers, before the German Government. I am interested to see to what extent the question of Germany's intentions in the East will be included.

Description: Ratne bojne dopisnice (Feldpost) bile su najfunkcionalnije sredstvo komuniciranja vojnika sa porodicom tokom Prvog svjetskog rata. Većinom su bile cenzurisane i na njima se nalazio pečat vojne cenzure, regimentalni pečat i pečat vojne pošte. Na velikom broju dopisnica nalazila su se sva tri pečata, međutim, nerijetko se nalazio samo jedan ili dva. Poznato je da su vojnici bili strogo kažnjavani ukoliko su svjesno pisali bilo šta što otkriva vojne tajne. Pisati su mogli samo vojnici. Sve što bi napisali davalo bi se vojnom cenzoru da to pregleda i tek kad on odobri moglo se poslati porodici. Čitajući pisma, može se uvidjeti da su ona poprilično štura, te da su dobro pazili o svemu šta je napisano, upravo iz razloga da bi izbjegli probleme sa nadređenim. Feldpost sistem Austro-ugarske Monarhije, omogućavao je vojnicima da komuniciraju sa svojim najbližima. Sačuvane razglednice i pisma pružaju lični pogled na to kako su pojedini vojnici doživljavali sukobe. || Devet bojnih dopisnica (Feldpost)

Description: Este un volum de jurnal din cele trei deţinute de Biblioteca Judeţeană Octavian Goga Cluj. || Dumitru Nistor, ţăran din satul Năsăud s-a născut în 1893. Visând din copilărie să călătorească şi să vadă ţări străine, în 1912, când vine vremea “număraşului” (recrutării) el cere să fie primit nu în miliţia ardeleană, unde erau recrutaţi de obicei românii, ci în marina austro-ungară. Terminând şcoala de marină, după o călătorie la Viena, este îmbarcat ca Geschützvormeister (“primul îndreptător de tun”) pe vasul SMS Kaiserin Elisabeth, cu destinaţia Asia. Prins de război în Marea Chinei, crucişătorul Kaiserin Elisabeth participă la câteva bătălii navale, pentru ca în 2 noiembrie 1914 să se hotărască scufundarea lui. Echipajul pierde şi lupta terestră, este luat prizonier de japonezi şi transportat în arhipelagul nipon. Timp de zece luni, ţăranul-marinar din Năsăud va fi prizonier într-o mănăstirea buddhistă din Himeji, iar apoi mutat într-un lagăr, construit special pentru prizonierii germani şi austrieci, la Aonogahara, nu departe de Kobe, unde va rămâne până la sfârşitul anului 1919.

Description: Potrošačka kartica sadrži podatke o osobama koje su se prijavljivale radi raspodjele živežnih namirnica u Zagrebu tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Sadrži podatke o podnosiocu prijave (ime i prezime, adresa) te osobama koje se nalaze u kućanstvu, njihova imena, godine rođenja, odnos prema podnosiocu prijave, zanimanje i mjesto rada.

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