Transcription: biggest lesson, perhaps, is that the world is now unmistakably and irresistibly in the international era; that a conflict in  Central Europe has brought in everyone, including the Presidents of the United States and many Latin-American countries; that the days of isolationism, particularism, and provincialism are gone; that even the most obdurate foes of the consultative method, such as Hitler and Mussolini, have had to come to it;  and that the very rawness of a settlement under ultimatum show the necessity of a better and cleaner method. Already, within the first few days, a reaction is setting in; many elements  in the big countries are becoming critical; and practically all elements in the smaller countries are frightened.   It is a tribute to the soundness and toughness of the League that even in these circumstances the regular work of the Assembly was carried through. The Committees kept up their various agendas; a large section of the worldlife of today was submitted to review and given what further stimulus was possible. This showed more dramatically than anything else possibly could that much of the League at least is grounded deep into the international life of today and is sure to build up even stronger in the future.   The most general and long-term question was, perhaps, how best organise international relations. The League took the opportunity, after recent shocks and experiences, to tidy up a bit as it were and to concentrate its organisation. On the much discussed question of sanctions many important declarations were made which, while not formally amending the Covenant, tend nevertheless to make Article 16 voluntary rather than automatic. As regards mediation and peaceful settlement, a preponderance  of opinion was in favour of a freer application of Article 11 by  not including the votes of the disputance in the assessment of unanimity. On the psychological question of the separation of the Covenant from the peace treaties, a protocol was opened for signature giving the former a wholly independent status. As regards the cooperation of non-Member States in the League's  technical and non-political work a wide resolution was adopted welcoming such cooperation in these world services and offering non-Members the opportunity of making any suggestions they may desire to make for its extension. The budget was tightened up once again, despite the good news of a surplus of over 4,500,000 Swiss francs. Detailed plans for making better known both the ideals and work of the League were also approved, including a  generous appropriation of 1,200,000 Swiss francs for partici- pation in the New York World's Fair.   Specific political questions bulked large in the  Assembly. Armed conflict in China and Spain provided an unhappy accompaniment to the major crisis in Europe. In the former, Japan having refused the invitation to the Council under Article 17, the Assembly reaffirmed that her military actions could be justified neither by law nor self-defence, stressed the obligation of all States to help China "in her heroic struggle against invasion", and, while deciding that all elements necessary for coordinated action "are not yet assured", held, nevertheless, that League Members are entitled "to adopt individually the measures provided for in Article 16". As regards Spain, the Assembly received an unexpected proposal from the Spanish Government to carry out the immediate and

Transcription: copy of letter from Arthur Sweetser to Lewis Lorwin in USA— 5/10/1938 Dear     I deeply wish I could give you an adequate picture of this past amazing month in Geneva. We have never had any- thing in any degree comparable.     The Nineteenth Assembly was the most extraordinary in the League's existence. It opened the day of the Nüremburg speech; continued throughout the negotiations; and concluded the day after the Münich Agreement.     The scene was extraordinary. War was on the threshhold; mobilisation orders were following one on the other; report and rumour flew wild; even the usually stoic Swiss had soldiers mounted on many bridges and plunged Geneva into an ominous blackout at the most critical moment.     Several hundred delegates and experts from over fifty countries, plus a couple of hundred journalists from even more, paced anxiously back and forth in the Assembly lobbies, trying to do their daily work but in reality affixed to the latest rumour, telephone, or broadcast. It was almost impossible for them to keep their minds on their normal activities; indeed there was a tragic air of unreality about them which made it remarkable that they accomplished as much  as they did.     Geneva was practically completely outside the negotiations except for the startling speech of Litvinov defining Soviet policy for the first time and throwing a beam of light on previous private discussions. Unexpectedly enough, the Czechs did not even present their case; they took the view that they were too hurt and wounded and their position too clear to justify explanation. For the first time since Locarno, neither the British nor the French Foreign Minister was present. Despite this, nearly a score of other Foreign Ministers were on hand, particularly from the smaller States, and Geneva again proved to be the clearest and most impartial observation post in Europe. It would be rash to attempt to estimate what the long-term effect will be of the ceaseless discussions which took place at this international centre at the moment of Europe's greatest crisis.     Geneva circles, as a rough generalisation, viewed the release from war with a relief as great as any others, perhaps even greater in the sense that war would have des- troyed everything that the League for eighteen years has been trying to build. Equally, however, they perhaps viewed the method with more alarm than others because they saw it as a startling triumph of violence in opposition to all the methods of peaceful negotiation and discussion which the League has tried, however unsuccessfully, to establish.     Opinion as to the eventual consequences is divided. Some feel that the League has had a terrible blow, which weakens it greatly; others that there will inevitably be a  comeback at a not too distant date. Perhaps the truth is bet- ween the two. The present debacle has certainly vividly illustrated the necessity of international cooperation. Its

Transcription: It is too soon really to form very definite opinions, but the first words in this note repre- sent mine.    What Chamberlain has done is a logical sequence of the policy pursued by Britain and France during the past two years; they paralysed the League of Nations; they gave no help to the weak attacked by the strong; they ran away every time a threat was uttered; now they have given  Germany, for nothing but temporary peace, the fruits of a great campaign.   I believe they could, even a few weeks ago, have convinced Hitler they were ready to act in defence of their undertakings; they certainly  could have prevented these developments even 2 or 3 months ago. The Nazi and Fascist systems have made so great a victory that one wonders seriously now how long it may be before even France and even England are forced to adopt something of their system and methods. Democracy in a way does not matter, but the other makes decent life for civilized men entirely impossible: there is still the garden and the river.

Transcription: It has changed the face of Europe. Poland has snatched her bit from the Czechoslovakian carcass and Hungary is to get her share. The Czechs are offered an Anglo-French guarantee which seems a shameful kind of farce and worth nothing. The way to the South-East of Europe is opened to the Germans. The Polish Inspector General of the Army celebrating the transfer of Tsechen has announced that the era of brute force in Europe now begins and spoke of the illusionists of the Western democracies. Of course, there is the fact that the German people themselves were psychologically even less prepared for war than the French and British. There is the possibility still that something can be built on the new contacts between the four Leaders; there is a talk of a Four Power Pact. It may be, as Chamberlain hopes, the time of negotiation has come back again. Hitler has declared he has no more territorial pretentions in Europe. Some people believe it. In fact I think he does not need to move a soldier for some years; the way is open to him for economic and political progress through Hungary, Roumania, Yugoslavia. There is no counterpoise to his weight now; I think Poland will probably be left alone for some time; the small countries have lost any vestige of confidence they had in France and Britain. Komarnicki, the Polish Delegate met me during the crisis and with his smarmy smile asked me: Was not Beck right? I sought an elucidation: "Who would believe in the word of France now?"

Description: Ratne bojne dopisnice (Feldpost) bile su najfunkcionalnije sredstvo komuniciranja vojnika sa porodicom tokom Prvog svjetskog rata. Većinom su bile cenzurisane i na njima se nalazio pečat vojne cenzure, regimentalni pečat i pečat vojne pošte. Na velikom broju dopisnica nalazila su se sva tri pečata, međutim, nerijetko se nalazio samo jedan ili dva. Poznato je da su vojnici bili strogo kažnjavani ukoliko su svjesno pisali bilo šta što otkriva vojne tajne. Pisati su mogli samo vojnici. Sve što bi napisali davalo bi se vojnom cenzoru da to pregleda i tek kad on odobri moglo se poslati porodici. Čitajući pisma, može se uvidjeti da su ona poprilično štura, te da su dobro pazili o svemu šta je napisano, upravo iz razloga da bi izbjegli probleme sa nadređenim. Feldpost sistem Austro-ugarske Monarhije, omogućavao je vojnicima da komuniciraju sa svojim najbližima. Sačuvane razglednice i pisma pružaju lični pogled na to kako su pojedini vojnici doživljavali sukobe. || Devet bojnih dopisnica (Feldpost)

Description: Este un volum de jurnal din cele trei deţinute de Biblioteca Judeţeană Octavian Goga Cluj. || Dumitru Nistor, ţăran din satul Năsăud s-a născut în 1893. Visând din copilărie să călătorească şi să vadă ţări străine, în 1912, când vine vremea “număraşului” (recrutării) el cere să fie primit nu în miliţia ardeleană, unde erau recrutaţi de obicei românii, ci în marina austro-ungară. Terminând şcoala de marină, după o călătorie la Viena, este îmbarcat ca Geschützvormeister (“primul îndreptător de tun”) pe vasul SMS Kaiserin Elisabeth, cu destinaţia Asia. Prins de război în Marea Chinei, crucişătorul Kaiserin Elisabeth participă la câteva bătălii navale, pentru ca în 2 noiembrie 1914 să se hotărască scufundarea lui. Echipajul pierde şi lupta terestră, este luat prizonier de japonezi şi transportat în arhipelagul nipon. Timp de zece luni, ţăranul-marinar din Năsăud va fi prizonier într-o mănăstirea buddhistă din Himeji, iar apoi mutat într-un lagăr, construit special pentru prizonierii germani şi austrieci, la Aonogahara, nu departe de Kobe, unde va rămâne până la sfârşitul anului 1919.

Description: Potrošačka kartica sadrži podatke o osobama koje su se prijavljivale radi raspodjele živežnih namirnica u Zagrebu tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Sadrži podatke o podnosiocu prijave (ime i prezime, adresa) te osobama koje se nalaze u kućanstvu, njihova imena, godine rođenja, odnos prema podnosiocu prijave, zanimanje i mjesto rada.

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