Transcription: - 2 - powerless as far as preventive work with the Senate was concerned. Mr. Papée agreed with this point of view and restated the position by saying that everything possible should be done before the Council met.   In questioning me as to the statements made to journalists by the Senate regarding the High Commissioner's position, he asked if I knew whether they were centering their opposition to me on personal grounds. I said that I had not that impression, but it might very well be so. My own view was still as formed immediately after Greiser's speech in Geneva, that their first action was intended to be the abolition of the League guarantee of the Constitution. There might have been a certain narrowing of the claims for revision, but that still stood and would stand, even if the effort was made to turn the question into one relating to me personally. I thought Mr. Papée would be interested to read the letter written to me by President Greiser on June 3rd, following my reappointment by the Council. (Attached is a copy of a translation.) This would almost appear to be documentary evidence in support of the theory that policy had been changed completely in the middle of June, and that this difference between the letters as well as Greiser's personal relations with me up to the time of his visit to Berlin about June 18th showed definitely that the personal charges (which really amounted to the allegation that I had carried out the Council's instructions) had no foundation outside general policy.

Transcription: Private Diary Danzig, August 3rd 1936.   I called to see the Polish Minister this morning, when we had a short discussion on the Danzig situation.   I told him that representatives of the Senate were telling journalists that the High Commissioner would have disappeared from Danzig in the autumn. Mr. Papée said that in one of his recent interviews with President Greiser he had again emphasised the Polish point of view that the High Commissioner and his duties regarding the Constitution were an essential part of the Statute of the Free City, which Poland was not prepared to allow to be changed by any unilateral action.   Mr. Papée told me that the text of the Notes exchanged between Warsaw and Berlin would shortly be transmitted to the President of the Council ("within & few days").   He recalled the expression used during our last discussion that Poland felt satisfied, and volunteered the explanation that Poland was satisfied that the German Government had declared they did not have any intention to affect the Statute of the Free City. Nevertheless it was Poland's intention to continue conversations with a view to further clearing up the situation, and Ambassador Lipsky had received instructions to this effect.   I mentioned that another German warship was due on August 28th or 29th, and that I was naturally concerned as to what the position would be. If the same policy were followed by the German Government I was afraid it would make things more difficult for Poland and everybody else concerned. It was perhaps a pity there was to be another visit so quickly, but as it had been arranged I thought it would either aggravate the situation or give an opportunity for a settlement.   I am not very optimistic about that aspect of the situation, but felt it to be desirable formally to draw the attention of the Polish Government to the fact that the situation required urgent handling. Mr. Papée replied that we still had three weeks and that perhaps something would come out of the further discussions to take place in Berlin. He indicated with a good deal of reserve that if they were unsuccessful a new position might have to be taken (presumably by Poland).   With regard to the general situation in Danzig I remarked that I was afraid time was on the side of the Senate in its defiance of the League guarantee of the Constitution, and it probably would be necessary for the Council to take a definite position of some kind in September. I myself was at the moment

Transcription: Private Diary Danzig, August 3rd 1936.   I called to see the Polish Minister this morning, when we had a short discussion on the Danzig situation.   I told him that representatives of the Senate were telling journalists that the High Commissioner would have disappeared from Danzig in the autumn. Mr. Papée said that in one of his recent interviews with President Greiser he had again emphasised the Polish point of view that the High Commissioner and his duties regarding the Constitution were an essential part of the Statute of the Free City, which Poland was not prepared to allow to be changed by any unilateral action.   Mr. Papée told me that the text of the Notes exchanged between Warsaw and Berlin would shortly be transmitted to the President of the Council ("within & few days").   He recalled the expression used during our last discussion that Poland felt satisfied, and volunteered the explanation that Poland was satisfied that the German Government had declared they did not have any intention to affect the Statute of the Free City. Nevertheless it was Poland's intention to continue conversations with a view to further clearing up the situation, and Ambassador Lipsky had received instructions to this effect.   I mentioned that another German warship was due on August 28th or 29th, and that I was naturally concerned as to what the position would be. If the same policy were followed by the German Government I was afraid it would make things more difficult for Poland and everybody else concerned. It was perhaps a pity there was to be another visit so quickly, but as it had been arranged I thought it would either aggravate the situation or give an opportunity for a settlement.   I am not very optimistic about that aspect of the situation, but felt it to be desirable formally to draw the attention of the Polish Government to the fact that the situation required urgent handling. Mr. Papée replied that we still had three weeks and that perhaps something would come out of the further discussions to take place in Berlin. He indicated with a good deal of reserve that if they were unsuccessful a new position might have to be taken (presumably by Poland).   With regard to the general situation in Danzig I remarked that I was afraid time was on the side of the Senate in its defiance of the League guarantee of the Constitution, and it probably would be necessary for the Council to take a definite position of some kind in September. I myself was at the moment

Transcription: Personal Danzig, August 1st 1936. My dear Avenol,   Shortly after my return from Geneva in July a member of the Danzig political police was stationed outside the door of my office.   This was done without my consent and without any explanation from the Danzig Government.   A detective bars the door to every visitor with a request for proof of identity and the purpose of the visit.   Three Consuls de Carrière in Danzig were prevented from entering last week until they had established their identity. Other visitors were interrogated.   An American journalist coming to see me a few days ago, having produced his passport and other documents, was asked what he was coming for. He answered that he wanted to see the High Commissioner. The policeman then enquired if the journalist had already made an appointment, and he was allowed to pass when he said that he was going in to my office to do so.   During the present week another visitor, this time a lecturer at a British University, was held up at my office door, According to his statement to me a few minutes later the detective stretched his arm across the door and asked the visitor who he was. When this had been established the detective asked him where he was going. The visitor replied that he thought this was the League of Nations Office. The man replied that that was so, and asked what he wanted there. "The reply was: "I want to see the High Commissioner and get some information about Danzig, as I lecture on international affairs." The detective then suggested that it would be better if he went to the Senate instead, but the visitor insisted that he would also like to see the League Commissioner.   As I have said, I have no information officially as to the purpose of this action by the Government, but the circumstances are sufficiently unusual in diplomatic life to put on record. I do not know if the facts as reported to me by my various visitors could support a plea that the purpose of this action is for the "protection" of the High Commissioner, but if that point of view were to be considered I should add one or two remarks, apart from drawing attention to certain public declarations by leading personages in the Free City.

Description: Ratne bojne dopisnice (Feldpost) bile su najfunkcionalnije sredstvo komuniciranja vojnika sa porodicom tokom Prvog svjetskog rata. Većinom su bile cenzurisane i na njima se nalazio pečat vojne cenzure, regimentalni pečat i pečat vojne pošte. Na velikom broju dopisnica nalazila su se sva tri pečata, međutim, nerijetko se nalazio samo jedan ili dva. Poznato je da su vojnici bili strogo kažnjavani ukoliko su svjesno pisali bilo šta što otkriva vojne tajne. Pisati su mogli samo vojnici. Sve što bi napisali davalo bi se vojnom cenzoru da to pregleda i tek kad on odobri moglo se poslati porodici. Čitajući pisma, može se uvidjeti da su ona poprilično štura, te da su dobro pazili o svemu šta je napisano, upravo iz razloga da bi izbjegli probleme sa nadređenim. Feldpost sistem Austro-ugarske Monarhije, omogućavao je vojnicima da komuniciraju sa svojim najbližima. Sačuvane razglednice i pisma pružaju lični pogled na to kako su pojedini vojnici doživljavali sukobe. || Devet bojnih dopisnica (Feldpost)

Description: Este un volum de jurnal din cele trei deţinute de Biblioteca Judeţeană Octavian Goga Cluj. || Dumitru Nistor, ţăran din satul Năsăud s-a născut în 1893. Visând din copilărie să călătorească şi să vadă ţări străine, în 1912, când vine vremea “număraşului” (recrutării) el cere să fie primit nu în miliţia ardeleană, unde erau recrutaţi de obicei românii, ci în marina austro-ungară. Terminând şcoala de marină, după o călătorie la Viena, este îmbarcat ca Geschützvormeister (“primul îndreptător de tun”) pe vasul SMS Kaiserin Elisabeth, cu destinaţia Asia. Prins de război în Marea Chinei, crucişătorul Kaiserin Elisabeth participă la câteva bătălii navale, pentru ca în 2 noiembrie 1914 să se hotărască scufundarea lui. Echipajul pierde şi lupta terestră, este luat prizonier de japonezi şi transportat în arhipelagul nipon. Timp de zece luni, ţăranul-marinar din Năsăud va fi prizonier într-o mănăstirea buddhistă din Himeji, iar apoi mutat într-un lagăr, construit special pentru prizonierii germani şi austrieci, la Aonogahara, nu departe de Kobe, unde va rămâne până la sfârşitul anului 1919.

Description: Potrošačka kartica sadrži podatke o osobama koje su se prijavljivale radi raspodjele živežnih namirnica u Zagrebu tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Sadrži podatke o podnosiocu prijave (ime i prezime, adresa) te osobama koje se nalaze u kućanstvu, njihova imena, godine rođenja, odnos prema podnosiocu prijave, zanimanje i mjesto rada.

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