Transcription: –  30 – ihm 303 Stück Wild auf der Hubertusjagd geschossen, darunter 193 Hasen und 98 Fasanenhähne! Für die Weihnachtsferien habe ich völlig freie Hand. Ich kann bei ihm u. Alphons 1000de an Morgen bejagen. Bleiben wir gesund, fahre ich zur Weihnachtszeit hinüber. In Str. wars ganz schön, aber die Rückfahrt in überheizten Wagen und überfüllter Elektrischen war alles andere. Sehr müde u. ganz gerädert sank ich in d. Posen. – Wir hatten gehofft, für unsern Haushalt das eine od. andere billig erwerben zu können, zumal d. Grenze ja so nahe ist. Aber damit wars Essig! D.Bewachung ist auf beiden Seiten äußerst scharf. Lebensmittel waren in Str. gerade so rar u. teuer, wie bei uns. Mit leichten Taschen fuhren wir wieder heim.                Donnerstag 4. November Ich hoffte, gestern den Hubertustag, mit einem meiner bescheidenen Jagdausflüge feiern zu können. Es wurde nichts               – 31 – daraus. Das Wetter war gar zu unfreundlich. Naßkalt, von Regenschauern unterbrochen. Unsere Hubertusjünger haben sich nicht der Gunst ihres Schutzpatrons zu erfreuen gehabt. – Seit dem 1. d. Mts. ist eine bedeutende Einschränkung des Fleisch – und Fettverbrauchs angeordnet worden. Es dürfen Dienstags u. Freitags Fleisch, Fleischwaren u. Fleischspeisen, auch solche, die nur teilweise aus Fleisch bestehen, nicht gewerbsmäßig an Verbraucher verabfolgt werden. Damit sind Vom Staat 2 Abstinenztage eingerichtet worden. – Gast-, Speise – u. Schankwirte dürfen Montags u. Donnerstags Fleisch-, Wild-, Geflügel-, Fisch- u. sonstige Speisen, die mit Speck od. Fett gebraten, geschmort od. gebacken sind, nicht verabfolgen. Samstags darf kein Schweinefleisch verabreicht werden. In den Städten hatte diese Verordnung zur Folge, daß am letzten Samstag d. Metzger ganz glänzende Geschäfte machten. Wers konnte, versah sich mit einem Vorrat an Fleisch für d. ganze Woche. Wo bleiben aber die Armen, die von der Hand in den Mund leben? Und wie lange wird’s noch dauern

Transcription: biggest lesson, perhaps, is that the world is now unmistakably and irresistibly in the international era; that a conflict in  Central Europe has brought in everyone, including the Presidents of the United States and many Latin-American countries; that the days of isolationism, particularism, and provincialism are gone; that even the most obdurate foes of the consultative method, such as Hitler and Mussolini, have had to come to it;  and that the very rawness of a settlement under ultimatum show the necessity of a better and cleaner method. Already, within the first few days, a reaction is setting in; many elements  in the big countries are becoming critical; and practically all elements in the smaller countries are frightened.   It is a tribute to the soundness and toughness of the League that even in these circumstances the regular work of the Assembly was carried through. The Committees kept up their various agendas; a large section of the worldlife of today was submitted to review and given what further stimulus was possible. This showed more dramatically than anything else possibly could that much of the League at least is grounded deep into the international life of today and is sure to build up even stronger in the future.   The most general and long-term question was, perhaps, how best organise international relations. The League took the opportunity, after recent shocks and experiences, to tidy up a bit as it were and to concentrate its organisation. On the much discussed question of sanctions many important declarations were made which, while not formally amending the Covenant, tend nevertheless to make Article 16 voluntary rather than automatic. As regards mediation and peaceful settlement, a preponderance  of opinion was in favour of a freer application of Article 11 by  not including the votes of the disputance in the assessment of unanimity. On the psychological question of the separation of the Covenant from the peace treaties, a protocol was opened for signature giving the former a wholly independent status. As regards the cooperation of non-Member States in the League's  technical and non-political work a wide resolution was adopted welcoming such cooperation in these world services and offering non-Members the opportunity of making any suggestions they may desire to make for its extension. The budget was tightened up once again, despite the good news of a surplus of over 4,500,000 Swiss francs. Detailed plans for making better known both the ideals and work of the League were also approved, including a  generous appropriation of 1,200,000 Swiss francs for partici- pation in the New York World's Fair.   Specific political questions bulked large in the  Assembly. Armed conflict in China and Spain provided an unhappy accompaniment to the major crisis in Europe. In the former, Japan having refused the invitation to the Council under Article 17, the Assembly reaffirmed that her military actions could be justified neither by law nor self-defence, stressed the obligation of all States to help China "in her heroic struggle against invasion", and, while deciding that all elements necessary for coordinated action "are not yet assured", held, nevertheless, that League Members are entitled "to adopt individually the measures provided for in Article 16". As regards Spain, the Assembly received an unexpected proposal from the Spanish Government to carry out the immediate and

Transcription: copy of letter from Arthur Sweetsen to Lewis Lanvin in USA— 5/10/1938 Dear     I deeply wish I could give you an adequate picture of this past amazing month in Geneva. We have never had any- thing in any degree comparable.     The Nineteenth Assembly was the most extraordinary in the League's existence. It opened the day of the Nüremburg speech; continued throughout the negotiations; and concluded the day after the Münich Agreement.     The scene was extraordinary. War was on the thresh- hold; mobilisation orders were following one on the other; report and rumour flew wild; even the usually stoic Swiss had soldiers mounted on many bridges and plunged Geneva into an ominous blackout at the most critical moment.     Several hundred delegates and experts from over fifty countries, plus a couple of hundred journalists from even more, paced anxiously back and forth in the Assembly lobbies, trying to do their daily work but in reality affixed to the latest rumour, telephone, or broadcast. It was almost impossible for them to keep their minds on their normal activities; indeed there was a tragic air of unreality about them which made it remarkable that they accomplished as much  as they did.     Geneva was practically completely outside the negoti- ations except for the startling speech of Litvinov defining Soviet policy for the first time and throwing a beam of light on previous private discussions. Unexpectedly enough, the Czechs did not even present their case; they took the view that they were too hurt and wounded and their position too clear to justify explanation. For the first time since Locarno, neither the British nor the French Foreign Minister was present. Despite this, nearly a score of other Foreign Ministers were on hand, particularly from the smaller States, and Geneva again proved to be the clearest and most impartial observation post in Europe. It would be rash to attempt to estimate what the long-term effect will be of the ceaseless discussions which took place at this international centre at the moment of Europe's greatest crisis.     Geneva circles, as a rough generalisation, viewed the release from war with a relief as great as any others, perhaps even greater in the sense that war would have des- troyed everything that the League for eighteen years has been trying to build. Equally, however, they perhaps viewed the method with more alarm than others because they saw it as a startling triumph of violence in opposition to all the methods of peaceful negotiation and discussion which the League has tried, however unsuccessfully, to establish.     Opinion as to the eventual consequences is divided. Some feel that the League has had a terrible blow, which weakens it greatly; others that there will inevitably be a  comeback at a not too distant date. Perhaps the truth is bet- ween the two. The present debacle has certainly vividly illustrated the necessity of international cooperation. Its

Transcription: W. Churchill to P. Boncour, in a private letter—   "Nous avons en la choix entre la guerre    et la deshonneur; nous avons choisi la    deshonneur mais, quand même, nous   aurais la guerre." "Today they ring their bells; tomorrow they will wring their hands" — Robert Walpole [Page two:] more than 50% of Germans, etc. He returned home jubilent and obtaining the consent of the French, forced the acquiescence from Czechoslovakia. A meeting had been arranged a week later, but in the meantime the German press and radio were in- creasing their demands; the British Prime Minister flew back a week later to Germany; it was no great surprise to those who knew the nazi method to find that during the week the price had gone up. Fresh demands were made upon Chamberlain and even he —as he later said— "bitterly reproached the Chancellor." The armies were mobilized in nearly every country in Europe. In Switzerland we had a black out; the bridges to all frontiers were mined and the tank traps prepared and the British fleet was mobilized. Clinging to the hope of peace by negotiation, Chamberlain asked Mussolini to inter- vene and a few hours before the German general mo- bilization was to take place, it was agreed that Mussolini, Hitler, Chamberlain and Daladier would meet in Munich. The 1st of October had been fixed for the German advance in Czechoslovakia. On the night of the 29th, the four Powers came to an agreement. The Czechs withdrew to the line agreed upon; Chamberlain on his return to London waved a paper into the air and announced that he had, like Beaconsfield come back from Germany "carrying peace with honour". There is something indecent in this. "Peace for our time" he said, but that remains to be seen. The peoples of the world have accepted the peace with a great sigh of relief and Chamberlain's reception in London, as Daladier's in Paris and Mussolini's in Rome were those for a great hero; here and there a voice of warning was raised: Duff Cooper, who was First Lord of the Admiralty resigned; no Minister resigned in Paris.

Description: Ratne bojne dopisnice (Feldpost) bile su najfunkcionalnije sredstvo komuniciranja vojnika sa porodicom tokom Prvog svjetskog rata. Većinom su bile cenzurisane i na njima se nalazio pečat vojne cenzure, regimentalni pečat i pečat vojne pošte. Na velikom broju dopisnica nalazila su se sva tri pečata, međutim, nerijetko se nalazio samo jedan ili dva. Poznato je da su vojnici bili strogo kažnjavani ukoliko su svjesno pisali bilo šta što otkriva vojne tajne. Pisati su mogli samo vojnici. Sve što bi napisali davalo bi se vojnom cenzoru da to pregleda i tek kad on odobri moglo se poslati porodici. Čitajući pisma, može se uvidjeti da su ona poprilično štura, te da su dobro pazili o svemu šta je napisano, upravo iz razloga da bi izbjegli probleme sa nadređenim. Feldpost sistem Austro-ugarske Monarhije, omogućavao je vojnicima da komuniciraju sa svojim najbližima. Sačuvane razglednice i pisma pružaju lični pogled na to kako su pojedini vojnici doživljavali sukobe. || Devet bojnih dopisnica (Feldpost)

Description: Este un volum de jurnal din cele trei deţinute de Biblioteca Judeţeană Octavian Goga Cluj. || Dumitru Nistor, ţăran din satul Năsăud s-a născut în 1893. Visând din copilărie să călătorească şi să vadă ţări străine, în 1912, când vine vremea “număraşului” (recrutării) el cere să fie primit nu în miliţia ardeleană, unde erau recrutaţi de obicei românii, ci în marina austro-ungară. Terminând şcoala de marină, după o călătorie la Viena, este îmbarcat ca Geschützvormeister (“primul îndreptător de tun”) pe vasul SMS Kaiserin Elisabeth, cu destinaţia Asia. Prins de război în Marea Chinei, crucişătorul Kaiserin Elisabeth participă la câteva bătălii navale, pentru ca în 2 noiembrie 1914 să se hotărască scufundarea lui. Echipajul pierde şi lupta terestră, este luat prizonier de japonezi şi transportat în arhipelagul nipon. Timp de zece luni, ţăranul-marinar din Năsăud va fi prizonier într-o mănăstirea buddhistă din Himeji, iar apoi mutat într-un lagăr, construit special pentru prizonierii germani şi austrieci, la Aonogahara, nu departe de Kobe, unde va rămâne până la sfârşitul anului 1919.

Description: Potrošačka kartica sadrži podatke o osobama koje su se prijavljivale radi raspodjele živežnih namirnica u Zagrebu tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Sadrži podatke o podnosiocu prijave (ime i prezime, adresa) te osobama koje se nalaze u kućanstvu, njihova imena, godine rođenja, odnos prema podnosiocu prijave, zanimanje i mjesto rada.

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