Transcription: Left page   working and his voice rose to a shriek.  The second time was over an article in the "Figaro" which apparently had some kind of personal references.  He told Burckhardt that he could not let anybody or anything touch his personal prestige, partly because he had come up from the masses, from the proletariat. I reflected that this was perhaps less a sign of political policy than of an inferiority complex.  He sent Forster away and talked for a time alone with Burckhardt.  He told him that they had found the Czech plans of war and that they had been the admiration of all his generals; that they had bought the Polish war plans and that they were childish and hopeless. He talked of Germany's need for food growing space and said that his scientists had told him they could make German soil produce very heavily by intensive application of chemicals, but that this would lead to the soil becoming sterile; he therefore needed Poland's acres.  I remarked that this indicated his mind was still running on war as such ideas were intended to defeat a war blockade.  Burckhardt says that on one point he said to Hitler something about his tremendous responsibilities and the fate of millions of people depending on his decisions.  Hitler replied previously turning his back on him "that decision no longer depends on me".  Burckhardt's impression was that he was referring to the gang which surrounds Hitler including von Ribbentrop, Dietrich (One of the 1934 executioners) and Lawrens  Lorenz? . I get the impression Burckhardt has a feeling of sympathy with Hitler; he regards him to some extent as he would regard an un- balanced woman, or perhaps, as Stoppani has it "the slave of his previous actions". He said that in his last interview, Hitler in addressing him never looked straight at him; ^This time he did.^ He had periods of depression and even sadness; as he left Hitler said to him that he would like to meet him again privately "whatever happens".  Forster as they drove away remarked "You seem to have a tranqui- lizing effect on him."   Burckhardt says that the old Keyserling's house near Wi^ever^erowo, which has probably resumed its name of Neustadt now, had been burnt down after the war started, but he had no news of the old people./. Some little time before the war began Forster, speaking of the Russo-Germa pact, said the agreement, he thought, included Russion access to the open sea. "Baltic States"? asked B, N Forster thought not - "we have interests there" - he was uncertain about Geography but mentioned the idea of a  port  in the Persian Gulf! "TIMES" The Nazi Mind 23/9/39 The documents published in a Blue-book yesterday are primarily material for the historian's patient study, although their main tenor is already well known. But readers interested in psychological oddities will find that they throw a curious light on the personality and behaviour of the Nazi leaders. There is, for instance, the picture of FIELD-MARSHAL GÖRING, after delivering himself of a tirade of ferocious threats against the Poles if they should dare to resist the Nazi designs, proceeding to show SIR NEVILE HENDERSON over the new splendours of his marble halls, to be adorned with tapestries representing "naked ladies "labelled with the names of various virtues," including Mercy and Goodness, but not Patience. There is the already familiar nocturnal scene in which HERR VON RIBBENTROP gabbled through the sixteen points of Germany's so-called peace terms, and then not only refused to let SIR NEVILE see them in writing, but "in "the most violent terms" declined to invite the POLISH AMBASSADOR to visit him in order to communicate them to his Government. But both the barbaric vanity of the FIELD- MARSHAL and the boorish discourtesy of the FOREIGN MINISTER seem to be reflections of an exalted model. SIR NEVILE HENDERSON indeed describes HERR VON RIBBENTROP as "aping Herr "Hitler at his worst." The motives admitted by the FÜHRER in the course of these strange diplomatic interviews seem sometimes to have no relevance to any consideration that moves civilized Governments when they handle matters on which the lives of millions hang. He is found reproaching England with "fighting for lesser "races," by which it is presumably to be under- stood as his serious doctrine that only his "Nordics" possess the right to life. He prefers war now, when he is fifty, to fighting it when he is fifty-five or sixty, apparently thinking it self-evidently right that the destiny of nations should be subordinated to the progress of one man's career. When reminded that MARSHAL BLÜCHER thought it imperative to be true to his pledged word, he retorts that "things were "different 125 years ago." And in the very last sentence of his last communication to the AMBASSADOR, after the British ultimatum had expired, he describes a document published by a private journalist as "a communication by "order of the British Government," conveying their intention of "carrying the destruction of "the German people even farther than was done "through the Versailles Treaty." The virtues of the German people, as we have learnt to know them in the years when they were permitted to be our friends and to respect them even when they were our stubborn foes, are pre-eminently those of solidity and sobriety. That they should come to be officially repre- sented by this clique of febrile and hysterical rhetoricians is a bewildering paradox, which in less tragic times would be cause for mirth. But when HERR HITLER describes himself to SIR NEVILE HENDERSON as "by nature an artist not "a politician," laughter is damped by the reflec- tion that the same boast was made by NERO.

Transcription: Left page   Burckhardt as to the demeanour of the crowd and he replied on the whole it was quiet and well behaved, almost indifferent. One man had stepped forward shouting "slaghten die Hund tote" but was immediately pushed back by the police; several of the people in the crowd actually saluted Burckhardt as he drove off. He passed through East Prussia and went to Kaunas, the Lithuanian capital, that night and after a day or two, went on to Riga where he met Munters the Foreign Minister and received every kindness. A small ship brought him over to Stockholm after a shocking voyage during which the motor cars on the deck were filled with water.  At Stockholm Sandler was extremely kind to him; as Burckhardt remarked, he did not even say "I told you so in January!". While he was in Stockholm, Burckhardt was called on by the German Counsellor sent by Weizsacker to apologize for the way he had been so summarily ejected and offer him every facility if he cared to pass through Germany on his way to Switzerland. (He had received the most solemn promises from Weizsacker and others that if he should ever have to leave Danzig, he would be given decent notice and not treated ignominously.)  Note in the margin   [I had told him not to count on it.] The Counsellor told him that Weizsacker's eldest son had just been killed in the Polish fighting and that Weizsacker was resigning his post as permanent Head of the Wilhelmstrasse.  He had only stayed there because he still hoped to check the wild men and keep peace. The Counsellor was somewhat outspoken and said also, a propos of young Weizsacker that "they" were putting people of that class into the front line. Burckhardt did pass through Germany. He described the night spent in a way-side auberge in the common room of which he saw a huge pictorial poster representing various horrors of war such as bayonneted women, children, etc. along the top of the poster, in great red letters, was the word "Chamberlain" and from the name huge gushes of blood were represented as falling. He says the date 26th- August was on all German War Orders & it was postponed for a week.  Right page   I forgot his account of the visit of the "Schleswig-Holstein", the battleship which was sent to Danzig for a formal visit towards the end of August.  The Officers made all the official calls and received all the usual entertainments, including a party in the General Kommando. This was on the Sunday before the attack on Poland. In the course of the evening the Captain of the ship remarked to Burckhardt that some times an Officer was compelled to do a thing which he would never dream of doing as an honest private individual.  Burckhardt thought he was referring to his orders to attack without warning the small garrison of 200 men in the Westerplatte. I asked Burckhardt about Nederbragt, the Dutch President of the Harbour Board.  He told me that Nederbragt had, as the crisis approached, completely severed all relations with the High Commissioner and dissociated himself in every possible way.  He had done the same thing with me when the Nazis suddenly turned on me in my last months in Danzig. I think his motives were exclusively based on the hope that he could still protect his job.  He is a contemptible little creature and I confess I was highly amused on learning that he was treated with even less courtesy than Burckhardt; no one called on him, but he got a telephone message to be out of Danzig in two hours. Burckhardt's account of his visit to Hitler on the 13th of August was extremely interesting. He says that Hitler asked for him and eventually sent his private aeroplane to fetch him.  He found Hitler remarkably quiet and normal and over a tea-table with Forster present, he made ordinary table talk.  Then they began to talk about the Danzig affairs and the general situation. In the course of the conversation Hitler had just two of his maniacal outbreaks: one was about the Poles, when he said that if they went a millimeter further, he would crush them from the face of the earth and the face of History. Burckhardt says his eyes were glaring and his face

Transcription: Left page   September 23rd 1939 BURCKHARDT arrived in the Secretariat yesterday and for an hour and a half Walters and I listened to his fascinating and exciting story. The last days in Danzig must have brought a heavy nervous strain; he had sent his wife and children to Switzerland a short time before and he seemed to have found as his most reliable friend and confident, the British Consul General (an interesting coincidence as I was in much the same position with Consul General Robinson when I was there). The Consul General now was Shepherd and he was replacing another Consul General, also named Shepherd, who had been there for the past two years and who had left not long ago suffering from a nervous break down. Once the Russian Pact was signed they too seemed to have come to the conclusion that events were marching swiftly and inevitably.  The two men had all their meals together and on the 31st of August, in a state of a certain amount of nervous excitement, they were joking with the Swiss footman whom they made serve the coffee wearing a gas-mask. During the afternoon, Forster had called on Burckhardt and talked to him about the Fuhrer's determination that everything should go quietly in Danzig. According to Burckhardt, he replied asking why he should make these "blagues" with him when he knew they were about to begin the war. Shepherd had gone home when there came a violent ringing at the door and three men of the Gestapo appeared.  They instructed the High Commissioner not to go to bed as the Gauleiter would call to see him that night.  Burckhardt replied that he would see the Gauleiter the following morning. The Gestapo cut the telephones and occupied the groundfloor while Burckhardt went to his room.  He was sleeping in the corner room on the first floor with the bow-windows overlooking the garden, which we used as one of the guests rooms.  At 4.30 a.m. the  Right page   glassof the windows fell into the room with the first explosions.  The Schleswig-Holstein had suddenly opened the fire on the Westerplatte; the Polish Post-Office was simultaneously attacked and also the Railway Station 150 yards from the house; in the latter apparently large bombs were being used.-  The Swiss valet came into Burckhardt's room explaining "nous sommes perdus, la guerre mondiale va tous nous engloutir! (a vignette in the best Burckhardt's style!).-  At 8 o'clock the Gauleiter arrived armed to the teeth and with two uniformed aides-de-camps; standing in front of Burckhardt, he announced: "You represent the Treaty of Versalles, the Treaty of Versalles no longer exists, in two hours (looking at his wrist- watch) the croix gammée will be hoisted above this house.  You will be escorted to the frontier, or, if you wish to stay, you will stay as a private individual."  Burckhardt immediately replied that he would leave at once.  He was turning away when Forster added in a slightly less official tone: "I hope this will not interfere with our private relations!" and in the best Johnsonion style Burckhardt replied: "Sir, I never had any private relations with you and never wish to have."  With a Gestapo man in every room, he got some clothes packed and assembled his three compatriots: Secretary, typist and valet and at 10 o'clock went to the door.- Old Borchard, who had been butler in our time, had since retired and was retaining some obscure function still occupied rooms at the top of the house. He had appeared and was fussing about bulleying the other servants as usual, when Burckhardt passed out accompanied by his two little dogs, he saw the old swine kick at the dogs as they passed him.  Outside, his own car and the official car were drawn up together with a Gestapo escort; there was a considerable crowd kept back by the police.  In view of the newspapers reports I asked

Transcription: Left page   Thursday 21/9/39 Delivery of newspapers is improving, "Le Temps" of Wednes. (printed Tues) arrives today. "The Times" of Monday also comes. "The Irish Times" etc from Dublin are a week old. "The Fishing Gazette" is 10 days late. A catalogue of underclothing, sent from London to Elsie at Danzig & forwarded seems to have been inspected by many. "Von de Wehrmacht Zugelassen" "Auslandnachrichtenprüfstelle Königsberg (Pr.)" "Geöffnet im Staats interesse Auslandsbriefüberwachungstelle." And finally, a sign that poor old Beier is not "removed" he signs the envelope "E Beier, ehemaliger (formerly) Secretariat du Haut Commissaire" Burckhardt has arrived in Switzerland. His name was mentioned at the Supervisory Ctee & Hambro was rather scathing about an interview he gave at Stockholm in  Right page   which he said that when he saw Hitler on 13/8 Hitler's mind was already made up He had gone to make a supreme effort "pour aplanir les noies à une solution pacific. Mais, il etait trop tard et je n'ai pas reussi . . . .  Le Fuhrer avait déja pris sa dé decision . . . . .  Un moment plus tôt j'aurais peut-être eu une chance, mais, je dois dire seulement - peut étre" "We didn't realise what a master- statesman we had amongst us whose influence was so great that he might have persuaded Hitler when all else failed," remarked Hambro with brutal irony. Friday 22/9. Walters & I spent two hours this afternoon listening to Burckhardt's account of what happened this summer in Danzig. Very interesting & indeed exciting as August advanced.

Description: Ratne bojne dopisnice (Feldpost) bile su najfunkcionalnije sredstvo komuniciranja vojnika sa porodicom tokom Prvog svjetskog rata. Većinom su bile cenzurisane i na njima se nalazio pečat vojne cenzure, regimentalni pečat i pečat vojne pošte. Na velikom broju dopisnica nalazila su se sva tri pečata, međutim, nerijetko se nalazio samo jedan ili dva. Poznato je da su vojnici bili strogo kažnjavani ukoliko su svjesno pisali bilo šta što otkriva vojne tajne. Pisati su mogli samo vojnici. Sve što bi napisali davalo bi se vojnom cenzoru da to pregleda i tek kad on odobri moglo se poslati porodici. Čitajući pisma, može se uvidjeti da su ona poprilično štura, te da su dobro pazili o svemu šta je napisano, upravo iz razloga da bi izbjegli probleme sa nadređenim. Feldpost sistem Austro-ugarske Monarhije, omogućavao je vojnicima da komuniciraju sa svojim najbližima. Sačuvane razglednice i pisma pružaju lični pogled na to kako su pojedini vojnici doživljavali sukobe. || Devet bojnih dopisnica (Feldpost)

Description: Este un volum de jurnal din cele trei deţinute de Biblioteca Judeţeană Octavian Goga Cluj. || Dumitru Nistor, ţăran din satul Năsăud s-a născut în 1893. Visând din copilărie să călătorească şi să vadă ţări străine, în 1912, când vine vremea “număraşului” (recrutării) el cere să fie primit nu în miliţia ardeleană, unde erau recrutaţi de obicei românii, ci în marina austro-ungară. Terminând şcoala de marină, după o călătorie la Viena, este îmbarcat ca Geschützvormeister (“primul îndreptător de tun”) pe vasul SMS Kaiserin Elisabeth, cu destinaţia Asia. Prins de război în Marea Chinei, crucişătorul Kaiserin Elisabeth participă la câteva bătălii navale, pentru ca în 2 noiembrie 1914 să se hotărască scufundarea lui. Echipajul pierde şi lupta terestră, este luat prizonier de japonezi şi transportat în arhipelagul nipon. Timp de zece luni, ţăranul-marinar din Năsăud va fi prizonier într-o mănăstirea buddhistă din Himeji, iar apoi mutat într-un lagăr, construit special pentru prizonierii germani şi austrieci, la Aonogahara, nu departe de Kobe, unde va rămâne până la sfârşitul anului 1919.

Description: Potrošačka kartica sadrži podatke o osobama koje su se prijavljivale radi raspodjele živežnih namirnica u Zagrebu tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Sadrži podatke o podnosiocu prijave (ime i prezime, adresa) te osobama koje se nalaze u kućanstvu, njihova imena, godine rođenja, odnos prema podnosiocu prijave, zanimanje i mjesto rada.

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